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  • Disorders of Magnitude

    Disorders of Magnitude

    The new book by John Brodie Donald “Disorders of Magnitude” is now available

    Apple Books here

    Amazon paperback here

    Kindle ebook here

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    What is the book about ?

    When things get bigger its not just the scale that changes. Many other relationships, both overt and implied, are thrown out of whack. Once something increases in size by a few orders of magnitude, you will then discover the disorders of magnitude. It’s why communes work and communism does not. Many of today’s most contentious topics have a disorder of magnitude at their heart – a conflict between a small scale individual perspective and the collective imperative. Examples range from identity politics, global warming, cyber security, income inequality   

    Ranging across many different academic disciplines, including politics, economics, sociology, history, biology and physics, John Brodie Donald distils these disorders of magnitude into four key maxims. If you find yourself enraged by the headlines you read in an increasingly polarised society, you may find some solace in pondering how the underlying conflict is related to one of these four points.

    SAMPLE FIRST CHAPTER :

    “We’re sorry. It’s not us. It’s the monster. The bank isn’t like a man Yes, but the bank is only made of men [said the tenants]

     “No, you’re wrong there. Quite wrong there. The bank is something else than men. It happens that every man in a bank hates what the bank does, and yet the bank does it. The bank is something more than men, I tell you. It’s the monster. Men made it, but they can’t control it”.


    John  Steinbeck      The Grapes of Wrath


     
    “Your life amounted to no more than one drop in a limitless ocean. Yet what is any ocean but a multitude of drops”

    David Mitchell        Cloud Atlas 

    Introduction

    “It is what it is”

    When was the last time someone said that to you? It was probably at work. Nothing is more irritating at work than hearing your boss say that phrase. There is a finality to it, like a door being shut in your face. After all, those words are self-evidently true, so how can you argue with that. You may have complained that your bonus was too low, you may have pointed out that the corporate strategy makes no sense, but your protests will be met with the same response: it is what it is.

    So it is with some delight that I write this book, in which I try to show that …sometimes… it isn’t what it is. The main thrust of the argument is that when things get bigger it’s not just the size that changes. Going up a few orders of magnitude, introduces disorders of magnitude. Often when things scale up their nature changes, and they are no longer the same as the smaller version of themselves. Expansion means it isn’t what it is, or more correctly it isn’t what it was.

    This metamorphosis due to scale is central to many of the issues in the modern world. We could cast it as the inherent tension between the individual and the collective. The quote above from The Grapes of Wrath makes this point. The collective is made up of individuals but often acts in a way that is detrimental to the individuals that comprise it. 

    One example would be the first agricultural revolution in 10,000 BC: the prehistoric transition from hunter gathering to settled agriculture. It was great for the species. It created food surpluses which caused rapid population expansion and enabled humans to invest in activities other than foraging for food. This drove the development of civilisation and more advanced administrative structures. At the species level, this was a good thing but it was the opposite at the individual level. Life expectancy fell dramatically as diets became nutritionally deficient with less food diversity, and densely populated settlements encouraged the spread of disease. The collective benefited, the individuals didn’t.

    The theme of the individual versus the collective is still pertinent today. If you scan the headlines of a newspaper, you will find that same conflict at the heart of most debates, whether it be identity politics, immigration, free trade, dictatorship vs democracy,  the evils of social media, geopolitical rivalries, terrorism, income inequality, cyber attacks, global warming, overfishing or pollution. Conventionally these issues are put in separate buckets; politics, economics, sociology, history, psychology and geography maybe. But the purpose of this book is to point out that they all have an underlying feature in common. They are all examples of disorders of magnitude. They all arise from disproportionate scaling. Beneath the surface you will find a discord between the collective and the individual. 

    The quote at the beginning from the book Cloud Atlas asks “What is an ocean but a multitude of drops?”. The answer is that an ocean is more than the sum of its parts. It has attributes that a droplets do not. It has waves, tides and currents. To translate this into human terms, think of a large stadium full of spectators doing a Mexican wave. You will probably have experienced this yourself – that transcendent moment when the ‘me’ becomes the ‘we’. The spectators in the stadium are moving up and down in their seats, standing and sitting rhythmically to produce a wave that travels left to right. Notice that the collective identity is expressing itself in the opposite plane.  The vertical motion of the individuals causes a horizontal travelling effect. In what realm can we say this wave exists? It is ‘made’ of people but also ‘other’ from them. It supervenes them. It manifests only at scale.

    Social sciences such as politics, economics, psychology and sociology lean heavily on statistics. I was surprised to discover that when my niece went to university to read Psychology one of the books on her required reading list was called “Discovering statistics using SPSS”. It’s a monster tome of over 800 pages filled with maths. There are chapters on multivariate analysis of statistical variance, the chi-square test with standardised residuals and a section on factor extraction with eigenvalues… No? Me neither! 

    “SPSS” stands for Statistical Package for Social Sciences. The book first appeared in 1968 and has been much updated since. The SPSS manual has been described as one of sociology’s most influential books. It allowed sociologists to plunder the wardrobe of physics and dress up in their clothes, making their discipline look more like a hard science and less of a touchy feely one. Most of the statistical methods in the book were invented by physicists two centuries ago. 

    Statistics is the science of the aggregate. It is an advanced form of arithmetic which tends to be very linear in its approach, and often assumes that scale is a neutral factor. When we do sums, we can ignore scale. Two plus two is four, and two million plus two million is four million. The rules stay the same regardless of size. But in the real world scale is very important factor. When something gets a million times bigger, it’s nature also changes. Increasing by orders of magnitude introduces disorders of magnitude.

    A change in scale shifts the focus from the single entity to the unity. We need to consider the collective rather than the individual, and in doing so observe the discord between the two. I should warn you in advance that this book does not offer any radical solutions that will change the way that you live your life. It is an attempt to reframe current political, social and economic topics, pointing out that the common cause of many of the most pressing issues of our time are scale related. Think of it as a Shakespearean play in modern dress. Does it say anything new? The text is the same and poses the same questions, but the setting draws out resonances and insights that are new. The siloed nature of modern discourse means there’s little reason for a student of politics to talk to a biologist, or sociologist to a physicist. This is a shame. For once you cross the boundaries of different disciplines you may well find that somebody, somewhere else, has already solved your problem.

    Let’s take a quick canter through the headline issues of our times and show how they can all be distilled to a disorder of magnitude: a conflict between the individual and the collective. We start with identity politics which views human interactions through the prism of group identities such as ethnicity, religion, gender and sexual orientation. The group is seen as a homogeneous unit, ignoring their individual differences and reducing people to a unidimensional label. On the left, this surfaces as ‘woke’ culture and debates about transgenderism, on the right it fuels nationalism and concerns about immigration and ethnic ‘others’.  

    In politics, sometimes the addition of a single word can flip the focus from individual to group. For example, consider the words ‘justice’ and ‘social justice’. The first is based on individual rights defined by law, the second on the fair distribution of wealth, opportunities, and privileges between groups. The essence of the conflict is in engrained right at the heart of the famous cry of the French Revolution “Liberté, égalité, fraternité”.  All three of these are noble ideals, and who could really challenge the righteousness of any of them? But you will notice that liberty is an individual concept while the other two are collective in nature. So, the inherent tension is exhibited right there. If liberty means the freedom to choose, then that freedom will lead to different outcomes and so on to inequality, as those who made good choices do better than others. If equality is the goal, then that would involve some suppression of individual freedoms in the interests of the collective good. You can cast the history of the last few centuries as the attempt to resolve the inherent conflict between these two ideals.

    At a geopolitical level, we seem to be returning to a new Cold War of rivalries between superpowers – in particular, the USA and China. The ideological conflict can be distilled into a fundamental difference of the relative importance of the individual versus the group. In the USA, individual freedom is the paramount ideal, while in China the prime importance is placed upon the collective good. Some have tried to explain this in very simplistic terms. 

    In the USA, pioneers crafted their own future from the open prairies through individualistic acts of bravery and the spirit of adventure. In China, communal irrigation required for the cultivation of rice meant collective action and the primacy of the group. You can see this reflected in popular culture too. In Star Trek, the ultimate, implacable enemy is known as the Borg – an enormous, menacing hive mind that assimilates individuals into the collective. This is an embodiment of the deepest fears of many Americans. Conversely, in the movie “Hero”, the first Chinese-language movie to top the American box office in 2002, the theme is self-sacrifice to achieve national peace and order. It was nominated for an Oscar despite promoting a message that was the opposite of a traditional Western Hero, namely that individuals should give up fighting for their beliefs and support a tyrant for the sake of collective harmony. Broad brush characterisations like this gloss over the underlying complexity of these different cultures, but (if only superficially) do illustrate how the tension between the individual and the collective is reflected in the geopolitical sphere.

    Terrorism is a form of asymmetric warfare, an individual attacking the state rather than two states declaring war on each other. Although we view terrorism as a modern phenomenon, this type of asymmetric mismatch in scale between attackers and defenders, goes back centuries. Hadrian, with the full might of the Roman Empire behind him, was unable to defeat the fragmented Scots tribes in the north of Britain, which is why he built his famous wall. If we fast forward to the modern era, it is possible to view the 911 attacks on the World Trade Centre and the subsequent War on Terror, as symptomatic of a disorder of magnitude. The terrorist versus the state is the individual versus the collective. Cyber crime can also be described as a type of asymmetric warfare: the hacker versus the establishment.

    Economists frame this conflict between the individual and the collective as a ‘tragedy of the commons’. The term originates from the Enclosure Acts; a series of laws passed in 18th Century England that established legal property rights to land that was previously held in common. It addresses the economic concept of marginal utility. Picture a piece of common land – maybe an idyllic green in a hamlet – upon which villagers have the right to graze their livestock. 

    Over time, the number of cattle increases beyond the amount that the pasture can support. So, it is probable that, sooner or later, all the grass will disappear through over grazing. The villagers are now faced with a choice: should they continue to let their cows graze there? Thinking in terms of the individual, a villager has a selfish incentive to continue to do so. This is because the benefits accrue to him individually while the negative effects are shared across the whole group. He gets all the upside, while the others share the downside.  So, the logical choice is for him to keep putting cows on the pasture until it is all destroyed. This is the ‘tragedy of the commons’ – the eradication of a common resource in which individual property rights have not been established.

    There are many examples of tragedies of the commons which we read about in newspaper headlines regularly. Advice to the broken hearted who have just been dumped that there are ‘plenty more fish in the sea’ is no longer an apt metaphor. Sadly, there are no longer ‘plenty more fish in the sea’ due to overfishing by industrialised trawler fleets operating in international waters. This is a classic tragedy of the commons. The trawler captain benefits and the rest of us all suffer. The same applies to issues such as pollution with micro plastics, destruction of the rainforests, urban traffic congestion, ground water shortages through the draining of aquifers, and, overarching all of this, the phenomenon of climate change. 

    Indeed, I urge you to try this intellectual challenge. Pick up a newspaper or watch the news on TV and see if you can find an issue that is not related to a mismatch between the individual and the collective – to a disorder of magnitude. A school shooting in the Midwest? That’s all about an individual’s right to bear arms and the collective danger to society. Congestion charging in New York City? Individual car owners abusing a collective good – the public road space. 

    So far, we have been posing the individual versus the collective as a Manichaean duality, but there are of course many layers in this cake. As the collectives get larger and larger, they give rise in turn to different layers of conflict, as we go up in scale. So consider this nested set of layers of increasing size: individual, community, region, nation, supranational entity. There are disorders of magnitude at each of these boundaries, as you step up from one category to the next largest one on the the ladder. 

    For the individual versus community, the fight over ‘free speech’ and ‘hate speech’ is a good example. Does the individual have the right to offend the community?  For community versus region, consider the Romani travellers, native American Indian tribes or the Amish. These communities often find themselves at odds with their surrounding neighbours in the region. More generally, underprivileged minorities often self organise, finding strength in numbers to express their collective concerns. This then creates friction in the larger body politic. Regional versus national disputes exist in the north-south divide in Britain or in States rights versus Federal authority in the USA. For friction between nations and supranational entities, look no further than the EU and Brexit, or the squabbles in the United Nations. So you can see that disorders of magnitude express themselves all the way up at the different layer boundaries between the smaller grouping and the larger.

    In this book, we will explore the nature of this friction between these different hierarchical levels, something which I previously called ‘catataxis’ in an earlier book. In the following chapters, we will unpack the concept of catataxis through four paradoxical axioms:

    1. More of the same is different 

    A change in scale implies a change in nature. When a collective gets larger, it’s not just the size that changes.

    2. Categorisation destroys information  

    Intellectual analysis requires grouping data into categories, in an attempt to draw useful conclusions. In the process, information is both created and destroyed, often producing erroneous results.

    3. As above, not so below

    The whole is not just different from the sum of its parts; it often represents its opposite. ‘Top down’ thinking is fundamentally incompatible with ‘bottom up’ approaches.

    4. Complexity requires simplicity

    This is a special case of axiom three, where complexity at a higher level requires simplicity at the lower one. 

    These, then, are the disorders of magnitude. A change in scale causes a change in relationships. Different properties scale at different rates. When you inflate a balloon, the volume increases far more than the surface area. When it comes to relationships between human beings, trust does not increase proportionately with the size of the group. In large groups, trust breaks down and factions form. 

    Humans also struggle to process vast quantities of raw data and require it to be grouped and classified to comprehend it. This categorisation process is fraught with danger. Once categorised, the collective becomes the key identity, leading to a conflict of interest between the individual and the group. What is good for the group may be bad for the individual – the whole being the opposite of the sum of its parts. What is more, complexity at the group level requires a simplification at the individual level. Scaling changes roles.

    We can sum them all up in the observation that the macro view is inherently different from the micro view. This is something that is readily acknowledged in many disciplines – such as physics, economics, and computer science – but rarely applied in a broader sense. Different levels have different rules. In physics, this is most apparent in the different disciplines of quantum physics and Einstein’s relativity; one examines the very small, the other operates at a cosmic level. To date, despite a century of effort, physics has yet to combine the micro and the macro view into a single grand unifying theory. 

    Stepping back, and looking at the whole spectrum of scientific disciplines, we can organise them into a hierarchical stack, based on the scale of the observation. So physics is the science of particles, chemistry of compounds, biology of organisms, and social sciences of human interactions. Each layer is composed of the matter beneath it –  compounds are made from atoms, creatures arise from organic chemistry and complex molecules such as DNA, social sciences observe the interactions between intelligent creatures. But much as John Steinbeck’s bank is made from men but different from them, each layer in this scientific stack is a separate discipline – different levels require different paradigms and rules.

    Physics is the most fundamental science. We are all made from stardust – from elements that were forged in the Big Bang. Psychiatry, analysing the complexities of the human brain, is very far removed from this and many rungs up on the hierarchical ladder. Brains are made from subatomic particles, but you would not expect your therapist to consult a textbook on quantum mechanics (unless he was a very alternative therapist!). 

    In economics, there is a clear distinction between the disciplines of microeconomics and macroeconomics, one looking at transactions between individuals, the other at the economy as a whole. Likewise, in computer science there is a huge hierarchy of relevant levels in what we might turn the ‘technology stack’. At the very bottom, there are the interactions between electrons at the p/n junction in the transistor circuits of the silicon chips. Then, rising up the stack, we have the microprocessor architecture, the motherboard layout, the peripherals and extension busses. Moving on up from the hardware, we get to operating systems and application software. 

    Software and hardware are seen as two separate domains in computer sciences – hardware engineers and software engineers are two different species. Even within software engineers., there is a distinction between ‘front end’ and ‘back end’ expertise. The words here seem to imply a lateral relationship, the front end being user facing, the back end focusing on the web server and the operating system. But it is equally valid to categorise this as a vertical relationship in the hierarchy of the technology stack. The web browser that the user interacts with is sitting ‘above’ the operating system. Software resides upon hardware or, more correctly, supervenes on hardware. Supervenience is a philosophical term which describes a relationship between two hierarchical entities where a change in one is only possible through a change in the one beneath. When you are writing text on your computer, you are causing a fundamental change at the very bottom of the stack, at an electronic level. But it would be impossible to understand one from looking at the other. 

    As we noted earlier,  cybercrime is akin to terrorism in that it is asymmetrical. The exploits that cyber criminals use often reside one layer below in the technology stack – for example, an operating system back door providing access to some application software functions, or a memory function overflow at the hardware level. Terrorism is essentially conflict across a hierarchical boundary – the individual against the state. Cybercrime is also conflict across a hierarchical boundary – exploiting weaknesses very deep in the technology stack.

    To conclude, the macro view is inherently different from the micro view. As systems increase in scale, it’s not just the size that changes. A change in philosophical approach, employing different concepts in a distinctly separate knowledge framework is required. Which leads us to our first catataxic axiom – more of the same is different.

  • The Two-Horse Chariot

    Imperial Nightfall Series: Vol 1

    Two Horse Chariot landscape.webp
    Two Horse Chariot landscape.webp

    Introduction

    So there I was, in the car with my Uncle Graham driving to Aberdeen. We had had a big family party the previous night and I had not slept well. What is worse, I was suffering from a hangover. I was looking out the window with my forehead pressed against the cold glass. Graham was talking as he drove, and I could tell by his tone of voice that he was trying to explain something very important to me. It was all about King Arthur and the reason why the sword Excalibur had to be thrown back into the lake. I wasn’t listening too closely and I inadvertently let out a yawn.

    Graham was deeply offended and stopped talking immediately. I apologised, and asked him to continue his story and and explain why it was that Excalibur had to be thrown away. But he refused. He pouted. He sulked as only a middle-aged gay man can. I asked him again, but he did not want to return to the subject.

    Later, when we got to Aberdeen, we were searching for a parking space outside my grandmother’s house. “There’s one right there” I said trying to be helpful “You can just reverse right into it”. But Graham then told me that he didn’t know how to reverse a car. It was something that he had never learnt. “So how did you get your driving license?” I asked. It turns out that during Graham’s time in Nigeria, as a District Officer for the Colonial Service, he had bought a car and then investigated how to go about getting a driving license. Checking out the rulebook, he was pleasantly surprised to find that he himself was in charge of issuing driving licenses. So he took himself for a brief spin around the block, patted himself on the back and wrote out his own driving license. And drove on that license for the rest of his life, never having learnt to reverse.

    Graham Charles William Donald was born on 5th January 1933 in Inverurie near Aberdeen, delivered by the same doctor, Dr.Gill, who had been there for his two elder brothers Alan and Robin. Tragedy was to strike three years later when his father, Robert Donald died of a stroke at the age of only 43. So Graham never really knew his father, and spent most of his life searching to fill that void. He was brought up by his ambitious and driving mother. She, having been left a penniless widow, fought hard to bring up her four children alone. The youngest child, Elisabeth, was born after her father died.  

    Graham was his mother’s favourite. He was a cheerful and happy child, welcoming guests with charm and smiles. But she could never understand why he didn’t settle down with a good woman, and remained ignorant of his homosexuality until her death in 1980. Graham died four years later.

    Sir Alan Donald, British Ambassador to Indonesia, was entertaining important guests at the residence in Jakarta when a servant interrupted the dinner party and came to tug at his sleeve. “There is a phone call for you” he said. “Not now” replied Alan “take a message”. But the servant insisted it was important, so Alan went out to the hallway to take the call. It was the authorities in Bangkok calling to inform him that his brother Graham had committed suicide by jumping out of a hotel window in the notoriously seedy, red light district of Patpong.

    Alan and Graham were born 18 months apart and so were extremely close during their childhood. The eldest brother, Robin, was three years older than Alan and so had a more distant relationship with his two younger siblings, reinforced by the fact that after his father died, he had to become “the man of the family” and so wore a lot of responsibility on his shoulders. The youngest child, Elizabeth, was 3 1/2 years younger than Graham and was always the baby of the family, and being female had a different outlook from her brothers. 

    So Alan and Graham were a tight unit, playing together, getting into scrapes together and then laughing about it afterwards. They both won scholarships to the same private school – Fettes – and both went on from there to Cambridge, overlapping with each other throughout these educational stages. Their upbringing was almost identical: same trauma of a lost father, same schools, same home, same jokes, same dreams of escape from a rather overbearing mother and the limiting confines of Aberdonian society. 

    Even after leaving University, they were joined, not just by the double helix of their shared DNA, but also by a strange spiralling interaction of locations. Graham, in the Colonial Service (and later as a teacher), and Alan, in the Diplomatic Service, both worked in Africa, in Greece, and in the Far East, though not always at the same time. So, for me, the essential question is this: how is it that two balls, shot from the same cannon at the same angle of elevation, could have two such different trajectories?  One ascending to glory and knighthood, the other suicidally depressed, surrounded by prostitutes and self loathing.

    In Jungian psychology, the psyche has three parts: the primal id, the moralistic superego and the ego which mediates between the two. In an uncanny prefiguring, two millennia earlier, Socrates had a similar concept. He likened the soul to a charioteer driving two horses – one white, one black. The white, noble steed is driven by good thoughts and deeds galloping along the true path of righteousness and morality. The black horse is driven by baser desires and bolts off course whenever it sees something it wants.  The job of the charioteer is to control these two opposing impulses, and keep the chariot steady. 

    Graham often said that his problem was he could never control the black horse. But at a meta level, maybe the two horses were Alan and Graham with the charioteer being Providence or Serendipity. Or, to complete the triangle, maybe the charioteer was Janet, Alan’s wife, who was also at Cambridge with the two of them and to whom Graham addressed his most confessional letters. His letters to his brother Alan were typically serious, factual and rather businesslike, it was to Janet that he revealed his soul. 

    Brillat-Savarin once wrote “ Tell me what you eat and I will tell you what you are”. With Graham, it was not so much “you are what you eat”, but “you are what you read”.  Both his parents were English teachers, as was he. So his letters are shot through with literary allusions, and he expressed it himself most personally through another person’s words. I have tried in my footnotes to unpick and explain these literary references, to better illustrate who Graham was. For Graham was his library, and his library was Graham. 

    Graham’s correspondence fluctuated between proper long letters and joking postcards. In fact, you could read the barometer of his moods by looking at his choice of missive. When things were going well, it was always postcards; a cheerful way of touching base with a joking reference to a sometimes incongruous picture on the front. He would buy handfuls of blank postcards on his travels, and then send them to friends later at his leisure. When things were not going so well, it was long letters filled with introspection and angst. In the last year of his life, it was only letters. Interestingly, in all his writing he was meticulously about adding the date. It was as if he wanted to consciously make a historic record. It may have been only a throwaway joke on a postcard, but it seemed he wanted it to be added to the oeuvre.

    Graham was a man with no reverse gear – he never learnt how to do it. He would often refer to himself as “Toad of Toad Hall”, the protagonist in “The Wind in the Willows” by Kenneth Grahame. This comic character was a ridiculous but lovable optimist, chasing his enthusiasms and always getting into scrapes with the law. 

    Graham was born both too early and too late. Too early, because the law and social attitudes to homosexuality changed in the 1980s; being gay became perfectly acceptable, even unremarkable, in society. Too late, because Graham was perfectly cut out for the British Empire. His public school training, his love of Kipling and other Imperialist Victorian writers, and his fierce national pride (though for Scotland more than England) made him a perfect recruit for a role in the colonies  – either as an administrator or a teacher. For him, the empire ended too soon, and those jobs that many before him had easily found, dwindled and then finally fizzled out. As did he.

    I never did discover why Excalibur had to be thrown away. Part of the reason for starting this project was that I hoped that, maybe, the answer to that question might be in the huge quantity of letters from Graham that my father had kept. Sadly, I never found it. Was it something to do with a purity that was too good for this evil world? I can speculate, but I will never know for sure. It is one more secret that Graham, who had many secrets, took to his grave.

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